Diplomatic Barter: The value of reality

By Bryan

I will pose the question first, then give you the background below.

Question: How do countries decide to go to war? What role do economics play in choosing to pursue military action?

Please share your thoughts! I know we have intelligent readers and I would love to know what you have surmised on this issue.

I have begun reading Conflict After the Cold War: Arguments on Causes of War and Peace by Richard K. Betts (an assigned class reading). Richard Betts is a long time fixture of U.S. foreign relations and is now a professor at Columbia. In his book, Betts proposes to collect the great prose regarding war and peace in an effort to search for global stability. So far, I have been quite disappointed. Betts is a realist, and as such he has begun his book with an obvious bent toward his fellow theorists and through the first 200 pages he ignores liberal ideals and economic theory almost entirely. The next section is titled "Economics: Interests and Interdependence" so there may be hope yet.

Two of the early featured authors are John Mearsheimer and Geoffery Blainey; both are realists, and therefore focus on the balance of power dynamic between nations. Mearsheimer completely ignores the economics, and therefore the decision science, of war, going so far as to reject it when he wrote, "... the main assumption underpinning [liberal economics] is wrong. States are not primarily motivated by the desire to achieve prosperity (Betts 26)." The bulk or Mearsheimer's argument is that a state of bipolarity, with two major powers of equal military might, is the most stable global power configuration.

Blainey is more open minded, after reading his article, I see room for integrating economic theory. Blainey's primary argument lies in that war is the last resort of failed diplomacy. In other terms, Blainey examines the diplomatic process as a barter transaction and he sees war as the final action when double coincidence of wants does not occur. Much as in a barter transaction between a pedestrian and a mugger might go.


Mugger: Give me your wallet and your watch!

Pedestrian: My wallet and my watch are quite valuable. What do you offer in barter for my property?

Mugger: I hate mugging economists, I've got to stop prowling George Mason University! I offer you your life in exchange for your property.

Pedestrian: Your terms are not reasonable. I think that I have more might than you do, I choose the tools of war to settle this transaction.

Mugger: Damn, you called my bluff. I'm just a political science major using this street corner as a political science lab, since we cannot otherwise test our hypotheses in real life. Thank you for your participation.


The more subtle aspect of Blainey's argument is that in order for war to occur, both parties must disagree about the military strength of the other party and believe the costs of war will be less than the payoff for winning. As you can see, the mugger and the pedestrian disagree, but they do not both want war.

Blainey does not however come right out and recognize our economic tools in this article. He merely leaves room for insertion of cost & benefit analysis, game theory and economic value. Most other authors in this book have so far dismissed economics as well. Franco Fornari writes, "...economic, political, ideological factors are specifically generators of conflicts but are not specific factors of war." In other words, countries might disagree over economics, but they don't go to war because of economics.

Primarily, these author's either assume economics is only the study transactions involving money, or they reject the idea of competition for resources in general and just assume that power hungry nations always choose war if they have enough power to do so.

As a student of economics, I am convinced that these authors are missing the boat. I realize my bias is present in assuming that economics can help to explain, well, basically everything, but certainly war.

I will be happy to share more thoughts on war as this class will continue for a few more weeks.

If you are interested in more on this topic, you may read the whole paper: The Value of Reality (PDF).

Comments


Gavin Kennedy wrote:

Hi Bryan

I am not sure that economics can explain war. Sloppy co-relations between war and economics are not an explanation. It is easy to see economics in most human actions, but a causal relationship?

Explanations for conquering colonies used to be plausibly linked by some (mainly Marxist) analysts and some right wingers being ‘clever’ to shock audiences – markets, outlets for foreign investment, securing strategic supplies, and so on. Yet, closer investigation showed the net benefits mainly negative.

Lenin even had a theory about imperialism being the highest stage of capitalism and used the European ‘empires’ to supply data supporting his theories – railways, etc. However, in the period for his data considerably more capital investment went from the UK to the USA (long an ex-colony) and what were by then Commonwealth countries, and Argentina (long independent). What went to Africa, India and the rest of Asia was not decisive. It would have been (and usually always is) cheaper to buy produce from these countries at market prices than pay for large military establishments to hold them. Adam Smith noted that it cost GBP100 million to fight France over North America for what was worth GBP20 million in trade.

The current notion that the US is spending billions of dollars in the removal of Hussein for oil is likewise ridiculous – oil is a commodity open for purchase without paying for a war. Bush could assure US supplies of oil for less than any amount he spends in and around Iraq.

I researched and taught for many years (1974-90) the connection between defence expenditures and development (The Economics of Defense, Duckworth) and while the debate with the left seldom left the economics of war, I found it in retrospect a tenuous connection. True, we can find conspiracies if we look hard enough at trivia, but they do not stand up. For what economic resources are the Israeli’s fighting, besides survival? Why immiserise one’s people, as is happening in Palestine, or happened in Afghanistan, or all over Africa, when a peaceful road to development would improve living standards and the fruits of government office more quickly and with greater certainty.

War destroys economic wealth – and human beings – and to see the latter as sponsoring the former takes a leap into faith in the stupidity of mankind. Defence is the first duty of government (Wealth of Nations), not the first instrument of profitable conquest. For why people prefer wars, spend a hour taking to people on both sides of the divide in Northern Ireland; talk to people on both sides of the divide in Israel/Palestine; or the same divides in Bosnia, Serbia, Kosovo – even Greece and Turkey. Whatever sickness drives them I do not think it has anything to do with being better off economically. Indeed, such is the hatred, they apparently sacrifice welfare and well-being in the name of destroying the ‘enemy’, often for past ‘atrocities’ of which they have no direct knowledge..

Use economics to analyse micro-decisions, not for the causes of wars.

Gavin Kennedy
Emeritus Professor

-- August 3, 2005 12:11 PM


Jacqueline wrote:

"I hate mugging economists, I've got to stop prowling George Mason University!"

I just wanted to let you know that this made me laugh. :)

-- August 3, 2005 4:05 PM


Bryan [TypeKey Profile Page] wrote:

Dr. Kennedy,

You have expertly illuminated the financial damage incurred by war. I am sure that the accounting of most war shows up entirely in the red. The U.S. spent more than twice the annual GDP of Iraq fighting the current conflict. The causes of war are about more than financial gain, agreed.

You are also right that the economics is an excellent tool for analyzing decisions and it is in this light that I see a gap in Betts' collection of articles (and perhaps the collective library of political science). Economics gives us the tools to evaluate decisions and these decisions can be simple monetary business decisions or more complicated non-monetary decisions.

I am more interested in the tools of economics as they can be applied to these decisions that lead to war. Is war Pareto optimal? Alexander Wendt examines the anarchy of diplomacy and describes three scenarios of anarchy he describes as competitive, individualistic, and cooperative. The latter does not use the word Pareto, but it describes a solution to a collective action problem resulting in collusion for the greater good of both parties.

So, given that there are larger causes for going to war, such as spreading democracy, how does one assign an economic value to the result? In what "currency" can you denominate freedom?

I assume there is literature in the ether that has examined these in greater detail. As for Richard Betts, he has thus far ignored any such literature, but I've still 300 more pages to explore, so I'll keep you posted.

Best regards,
Bryan

-- August 3, 2005 5:13 PM


Caleb wrote:

I think most conspiracy theories do not hold that the entire country profits from war, just certain groups behind the scenes - merchants of death, oil companies, the Carlyle Group, and other war profiteers - who drag the country into wars from which only they benefit.

Another thing to consider is not only the immediate cost/benefit calculation, but how many times countries go to war to prevent even greater loss in the future. Fight Saddam in 2003, yes, very costly. Take the sanctions off, leave the Middle East, and fight Saddam in 2010 when he has used oil revenues to build up his forces and perhaps acquire nuclear weapons... much more costly.

-- August 4, 2005 7:13 AM


Gavin Kennedy wrote:

Caleb

Interesting points you make.

Let me comment on them.

Unless you are party to conspiracy you can never disprove them. Hence, the world is full of conspiracies and, given their secretive nature, innuendo in place of evidence suffics to set them running (from the Protocols of Zion onwards).

The problem with the argument that war now prevents war later on worse terms, is that this can never be tested except by having a war now. 'We must fight them in Da Nang because if we don't, we will have to fight them in San Francisco'.

This is perpetual justification for war now, seldom justified. On the other hand, by delaying fighting Hitler's Germany in 1936-8, it became necessary to fight later in 1939 (1941 for the US and Soviet Union). There being no doubt of Hitler's intentions.

War's causes are about politics, not economics.

-- August 4, 2005 3:35 PM


Gavin Kennedy wrote:

Bryan
I searched my boxes of bboks to find the following title, written by two political science professors at the University of Michigan: A. F. K. Organiski and Jacek Kugler: "The War Ledger", 1980, University of Chicago Press.

I have no idea where they are now, but in the 1980s this was recommended reading at most symposia I attended on defence and war studies in Washington, DC.

Using empirical methods they challenge most models of the causes of war and present their own. The data hold up well, though the Vietnam war 'shakes' it a bit.

I konw you have much to read in your studies, but at least get hold of it, flick through the pages and see how long it is before you are drawn into it!

Good reading (I must unpack my boxes a little quicker ...)

-- August 5, 2005 3:56 AM


Bryan [TypeKey Profile Page] wrote:

Dr. Kennedy,

Thank you for the pointer. I see there is one copy on the shelf at Ohio State and on Monday I will go pick it up.

The entire political science department, here at OSU, rejects rational choice, so they do not directly address the issue.

I'll let you know what my impressions of the book is next week.

Best regards,
Bryan

-- August 5, 2005 11:20 PM


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